
A Good Servant But… – Jeb Kennison
[This post was originally published at JebKinnison.com in 2014]
I’m writing about the history of government thought control and the means of
restraining it by constitutional limitations on its powers. Western
governments are more and more intrusive on private decisions, and modern
activists and feminists strongly influence government policy and propaganda
from their positions in academia, government, and nonprofits. Restricting
government’s powers to interfere in private decisions and control the media
message would give private personal decisions more room, and everyone
(except the nomenklatura) would benefit.
Feminism started out with a quest for equity in job opportunities, voting,
and freedom to choose. This initial agenda (“equity feminism”) won a lot of
support from fair-minded men and women, though even then there was a strong element of
special pleading in the movement.
By choosing to notice only the bad things that happen to women in
our own time as well as other cultures and times, modern feminists have
failed to work for truly equal treatment of men and women. Instead of seeing
individuals and their rights as important, modern feminists and other Social
Justice Warriors believe that only a relentless focus on oppression of some
categories of individuals by others is the key to righteousness, and their
collectivist view of group rights leaves little space for sympathy for
anyone who cannot claim membership in an oppressed class. They believe as a
religious cult would believe that if only they explain their beliefs hard
enough to the unenlightened, the scales will fall from their eyes and
goodness will triumph. No amount of victory in achieving their goals would
ever be enough for them to end their battles, since new groups of the wicked
can always be identified to battle against; the battle itself nourishes
their egos and so it must continue. If all their enemies have been
vanquished, villainy is defined down to catch a new
class of micro-villains whose microagressions and incorrect thoughts must be
corrected.
Note that it is no longer enough that “victim” classes be treated equally by
government and in employment and public accommodations — theirs is now a
push for equal outcomes to overcome private rights of association and
contract, so women (or men!) who desire to work less or take out more time
for family would not be allowed to bargain for those conditions of
employment by asking for less pay for less work. Implicitly all employees
with the same job title and duties must be paid the same regardless of their individual
contributions or their own desires for a lesser degree of commitment to
the business.
Equal opportunity does not imply there should be equal outcomes, because
diversity of interests and abilities between individuals and the sexes means
there will be unequal interest in career options that require 60 hours a
week of work, intense focus on mechanical problems, manual labor, or
hazardous conditions. Similarly, you will not get or expect equal interest
in the highly social, helping professions that, on average, women appear to
prefer. Efforts to force equal employment in every company by race, sex,
age, or other class are simply doomed — any company which balanced its
workforce to match these desiderata would find themselves forced to hire
less productive employees, crippling them against their competition not so
constrained. Jesse Jackson has called for Federal
pressure on high tech firms to require equal employment outcomes in tech
jobs. When you talk to a Social Justice Warrior about this, you get an
answer remarkably similar to what socialists said in the 1970s when you
asked how any country could level outcomes (“to each according to his need”)
without the productive escaping to another country to achieve what they
could without the shackles: “Well, that’s why they had to build the Berlin
Wall.” To stop the defection of those who want to be free to follow their
own preferences, this preferred system must be extended everywhere or
somehow escape must be controlled and punished by, say, walls, machine guns,
and Gulags.
So what we have is a small but highly influential ideological group,
educated, generally well-off, and embedded in academia, media, government,
and non-profit work throughout the United States. They continually agitate
for larger and more intrusive government which would employ more of their
kind, the better to regulate away all imperfect thought and behavior.
Business and profit-making enterprise is viewed as suspect because it is
partly beyond their political control, so efforts to take control of
decisions inside businesses continue, and the expanding HR departments,
lobbyist payments, and political contributions of businesses reflect the
need to pay for protection against this bureaucratic tendency. Similarly,
hospitals and schools have responded to the increasing regulation and
government funding of their activities by hiring many
more high-paid administrators while shorting the low-level staff that
actually do the work, because they must do so to get along in an
increasingly bureaucratized, legalized, and centrally-controlled
environment. This employment of large numbers of high-paid staff that don’t
directly produce anything of value for customers has greatly increased the
cost of domestic services like healthcare and education, and the drag on
Western economies has brought economic growth to a halt in many places.
We have seen such bureaucracies before — the churches which for centuries
held both political and moral authority over weak governments in Europe
attempted to regulate thought and action to increase their own power.
Wrangling over state religion and power led to incessant warfare. The
solution to the problem of state interference in private thought and belief
was finally found in the Enlightenment idea of separation of church and state. As Thomas Jefferson
wrote in his letter to the Danbury Baptist Association in 1802:
Believing with you that religion is a matter which lies solely
between Man & his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith
or his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only,
& not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the
whole American people which declared that their legislature should ‘make no
law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof,’ thus building a wall of separation between Church and
State.
The early history of the colonies which later became the United States is
instructive. Many of the colonies had an established church (the
Massachusetts Bay colony notoriously drove out religious dissidents and hanged the
Quaker Mary Dyer on Boston Common in 1660) and wished to maintain their
government support for a specific religion even as the Enlightenment took hold, but it became clear that any
government uniting the colonies would have to take a neutral stance toward
religion, and enforce a set of human rights (constraints on government
action to control individual thought and choice) to allow them all to
co-exist peacefully. The great flaw of this compact, its political tolerance
of slavery and second-class citizenship for slaves, was only corrected by
the upheaval of the Civil War, which cemented the primacy of the federal
government and its enforcement of the ideal of individual rights within the
states.
Albion’s Seed: Four
British Folkways in America
by David Hackett
Fischer is an eye-opening look at the four founding British cultures of
colonial America, and how each of them continues to influence present-day
political preferences and power struggles. Other immigrant cultures (German,
Irish, Scandinavian…) were also influential, but tended to join with one
of the four founding cultures that closely represented their views,
resulting in the welter of memes of political belief now contending for
influence.
In New England, the Puritans from East Anglia settled between 1629 and 1640,
the years immediately preceding the English Civil War in which Oliver
Cromwell and the Puritan army defeated and beheaded King Charles I. Their
colony started with a rigid established church which was intolerant of free
thought.
In Virginia, settlers consisted of vanquished supporters of King Charles and
the established (Anglican) Church of England, primarily from the south and
west of England. They tended to be more relaxed about religion and more
business and trade-oriented.
Quakers then arrived in the Delaware Valley (Philadelphia area) from the
English midlands (and their religious kin from various German sects) between
1675 and 1715. Their way was strongly religious and pacifist, but recognized
the importance of freedom of conscience.
The good coastal lands having been occupied, the Scotch-Irish (referring
collectively to immigrants from the north of England, lowland Scotland, and
Ulster) settled the Appalachian hill country from 1717 to 1775. Scrappy and
suspicious of any effort to tax and control by hated distant governments,
their attitude of automatic resistance is still visible in today’s politics,
with Sarah Palin an example of the type.
Only a government which respected and mediated the difference between these
founding cultures could work for a larger United States.
As time has gone on, these Enlightenment understandings have been eroded,
and “Americanism” (the practice of tolerance and “minding your own
business,” belief in progress, self-sufficiency, and freedom of thought for
all citizens regardless of sex, race, wealth, or heritage) is less
practiced. Our Social Justice Warriors say they value freedom of speech and
thought but only for approved speech and thought; heretical ideas are to be
stamped out by denying speech and punishing the heretics. It is no longer
surprising to hear a college activist suggest that certain kinds of speech be forbidden by law.
There are signs that popular culture has taken note of the tendency toward
totalitarianism and government propaganda from the Social Justice Warriors.
Dystopian YA novels like The Hunger Games show a
population repressed and manipulated by a media-controlling central
government. The movie version of the novel The Giver takes some
shots at this mindset; a thoughtful review of the movie version in The
Atlantic “What Is the Price of Perfect
Equality?” gets at its politics:
Engels saw the institutions of family and private property as
deeply entwined. Part of Engels¹ objection to the institution of the family
was that it involved a ³progressive narrowing of the circle, originally
embracing the whole tribe, within which the two sexes have a common conjugal
relation.² Marxism¹s benevolent tendencies are swallowed up by concern and
preference for one¹s immediate family, which becomes the unit of basic
inequality…. Commerce and trade, it turns out, are just as dependent on
the passions as the passions are dependent on commerce and trade in The
Giver. The true nightmare of a dystopian world is that all of these
things are interconnected, and that by losing one or the other, by
engineering it away socially or medically, nightmarish unintended
consequences will ensue.
The solution to this contention over social preferences and culture is
analogous to the separation of church and state. To accommodate all
religious and social beliefs in a framework of law and justice that respects
all such beliefs that can be consistent with universal human rights, a
government has to be prohibited from interfering when those beliefs are
practiced without harming an individual’s rights. We might call this
generalized idea “Separation of Culture and Government.”
While the modern feminists would wish to eliminate such current cultural
communities as Mormonism, ultra-orthodox Judaism, socially conservative
evangelical Christians, conservative Catholicism, and unreformed Islam from
the scene, a bargain must be struck to prevent further strife: the law will
not take a position on any social belief — it will not take sides for or
against social conservatives or Social Justice Warriors. Any individual is
free to practice their beliefs with other like-minded individuals in
voluntary association. Attempts to bring the force of the law to bear on
changing social mores and behaviors that are not in violation of individual
rights would be prevented. The law of marriage would revert to the law of
contract, with social conservatives free to enter into perpetual marriage
contracts with features like dowry, alimony, and discriminatory child
custody and support arrangements, while others would be free to bind
themselves to marriages which maintain individual property and call for
equal arrangements for child custody, with no alimony implied unless
provided for by contract. No group could punish an individual member for
behavior contrary to its beliefs except by private action: social sanctions,
excommunication, and shunning. Lobbying the central government to adopt your
preferred social arrangements by law would, ideally, occupy far less time
and attention in national politics as such efforts were struck down by the
courts.
Currently modern feminists have won considerable power to use government
support and propaganda to free women of some of the obligations of the
patriarchal culture they wanted to replace. Not only to correct injustices
in law and employment, but to increase government spending and regulation to
provide support that women formerly might have had to negotiate and serve a
partner or employer to obtain. Both ever-expanding social welfare states and
the failed Communist states reduced individual accountability and replaced
allegiance to family and employer with allegiance to the state’s goals, and
that is the model modern feminists prefer and are now working toward in the
US.
Under such a controlling regime there is far less reward for striving. Hard
work is replaced by contentious committee meetings and political struggles
for pieces of a shrinking pie. The increasing numbers of academics,
government workers, and nonprofit workers operate detached from practical
considerations of serving customers. It becomes easier to slack off, and so
more people slack off. The endpoint occurs when the productive have fled or
chosen more leisure over work, and the economy collapses after years of
stagnation. In the family sphere, we already see the endpoint in entire
communities where single mothers struggle to raise children without benefit
of a father to help and guide, young men are either in prison or involved in
gangs, and intact families with bourgeois values are forced to move away.
Women are taught that they are victims of oppressive males, and the enlarged
State will take their side in any disputes and support them directly if they
have children. What had been a safety net for people in tragic circumstances
became a way of life for millions.
Men and women who don’t want to take the role offered them in the culture
they grew up in have the choice of not doing so, or bucking their culture to
find a partner who more closely reflects their chosen values — this is
America, where you can be who you want to be! But under a government that
micromanages social arrangements and decides family custody and support
decisions based on “victim feminism,” men are never safe from rape
accusations, your children can be taken away from you easily, and the
population of women one might productively partner with has been programmed
to see themselves as victims entitled to use government to win any disputes
that might come up. If you are hardworking and successful on your own, you
are taxed heavily to support other men’s children and fund the politically
correct bureaucrats who harass your business. This thumb on the scale of
justice makes marriage a negative-sum game for many men (especially the poor
and disadvantaged), and the elevation of bureaucrats and academics above
workers in the private sphere damages men’s career prospects, unless of
course they adopt the conformist ideology.
The limited government crowd doesn’t want no government. It is generally
recognized that externalities and free-rider problems can only be handled by
a government; defense, civil justice and policing, pollution regulations,
and public health regulation (quarantines, vaccination requirements, etc.)
are areas that can only be handled by a monopoly state. But political
decision making is a blunt and inefficient mechanism, and those matters
which can be handled by private business and voluntary social organizations
should be, both for efficiency and freedom of choice. The libertarian and
smaller government crowd wants a government that concentrates on effectively
and efficiently handling matters only it can handle well. The expansion of
the government sphere at the expense of the private sphere is analogous to
Microsoft’s destruction of most competitive software applications companies
in the 1980s: using its near-monopoly in operating systems and the enormous
profits to enter the applications market, marketing its mediocre
applications and funding them when any normal company would have given up.
Eventually competitors were worn out and stopped funding new development;
Office products took over, ending most of the progress in the field for a
decade. Using the power to tax and the lack of any mechanism to disband
failed government programs, mediocre government-funded services (like
monopoly elementary and secondary education) crowded out the
privately-funded community schools, and after a century of increasingly
centralized control, local parental control of schools and their curricula
has almost vanished. Education is now heavily influenced by modern
feminists, and children are indoctrinated in feminist and anti-masculine
ideas.
It took generations for feminists and Progressives to capture the commanding
heights of government, media, education, and non-profit foundations. From
their perches they have directed a campaign to change the culture and
enlarge the State, and they have won. Federal government authority has
expanded to directing university handling of rape allegations and defunding
men’s sports teams under Title IX. Meanwhile, antiquated family law (as in,
for example, Massachusetts) remains
unreformed, designed for an era where the woman was assumed to be a fragile
flower needing protection, and forever a ward of her husband even after
no-fault divorce.
Some of these problems of feminist excess are now getting more mainstream
attention, but the best solution is the libertarian one of limited
government. Both major US parties are flirting with libertarian ideas like
an end to the War on Drugs and government surveillance excesses, but the
bureaucratic underbrush that limits freedom the most has been a part of our
lives for a long time, and few see how damaging it is becoming.
State-by-state reform of divorce and alimony laws is happening, but slowly.
Few candidates for office believe voters will support a pledge to do less.
Efforts to reduce bureaucratic and centralized control of people’s lives
have been politically difficult, until perhaps now when the incompetence and
waste of large government projects has become more obvious. While there is a
temptation for men to join feminists in playing the victim card (“Men are
victims, too! Help us!”), men don’t need special programs to regain
fairness; they need a government that stops interfering and lets organic
social relations between men and women resume a more natural course.
—
The Substrate Wars series (Red Queen and Nemo’s World) is a
fictionalized account of a revolution that tries to put this kind of limited
government in place for an expanding humanity.
—
Who’s Jeb Kinnison?
Grew up in Kansas City. I read everything I could in the school and town
library, and discovered science fiction in second grade, starting with Tom
Swift books and quickly moving to Heinlein juveniles and adult science
fiction.
When I was twelve, I discovered the collection of city telephone books in my
local library. I pretended I was doing a paper and called Isaac Asimov; we
spoke for a long time, and he sent me a postcard encouraging me to write. So
thank you, Isaac, wherever you are, for being so kind and generous with your
time. Robert Silverberg had no time for that kind of nonsenseŠ.
I studied computer and cognitive science at MIT, and wrote programs modeling
the behavior of simulated stock traders and the population dynamics of
economic agents. Later I did supercomputer work at a think tank that
developed parts of the early Internet (where the engineer who decided on ‘@
Œ as the separator for email addresses worked down the hall.) Since then I
have had several careers‹real estate development, financial advising, and
counselling.
I retired from financial advising a few years ago and have done some work in
energy conservation (ask me about two-stage evaporative coolers!) and
relationship issues. My books on attachment theory have done well enough to
try fiction again, and the Substrate Wars series is the result.
I recently visited the Mormon genealogical web site, which shows me as a
descendant of Eleanor of Aquitaine, Edward I Plantagenet (King of England!),
William the Conqueror (who you might remember from such historical events as
the Norman Conquest of 1066), and Rollo the Viking. It appears that my
ancestors in between lost track of their money, lands, and power, so I was
brought up in ³reduced circumstances.²
Visit my web site at JebKinnison.com for more: rail guns, Nazi scientists,
the wreck of the Edmund Fitzgerald, the 1980s AI bubble, and current
research in relationships, attachment types, diet, and health.